Gender differences

Gender differences



The topic of my research has been differences in math learning and
aptitude between boys and girls. This topic was suggested to me by my
mentor, Mike Millo, as it is of particular interest to him. Mr. Millo is an
Algebra teacher at Ball High. Much has been made of gender differences
in math by the popular media and Mr. Millo felt that it would be
interesting to examine this topic and explore the findings of educational
researchers. I also found this topic personally intriguing as I am currently
reading the book, Failing At Fairness: How Our Schools Cheat Girls, by
Myra and David Sadker (1994), which explores gender bias in all area of
education. In researching this topic I found many related research articles
and extensive articles where relevant variables had been measured. I tried
to focus on highly relevant articles, which examined specifically the
different abilities of males and females in math or sought explanations for
those differences. With one exception, the studies I reviewed supported
that there are differences in math related achievement between males and
females. Two of thr articles I reviewed focus on the differences in teacher
interaction with male and female students in math class rooms. The
Structure of Abilities in Math-Precocious Young Children: Gender
Similarities and Differences by: Nancy Orbinson, Robert D. Abbott,
Virginia W. Berninger, and Julie Busse (1996), the following research
questions were explored: 1. Can young children who are advanced in
mathematical reasoning be located efficiently by soliciting parent
nominations? 2. Do measures of these children's cognitive abilities in other
domains also show advancement and, if so, to what degree? 3. How do
measures in verbal and visual-spatial domains relate to mathematical skills
for subgroups divided by grade and gender? 4. What, if any, cognitive
gender differences emerge within this group of young precocious
children? My interest was focused on the last question, which relates to
gender differences. The study showed gender differences apparent in
every analysis. However, the study does not propose reasons for these
differences. One of the possible implications of this study, that gender
related differences in math ability are apparent from such a young age
conflicts with information presented some of the other papers I reviewed.
In three studies, there is a great emphasis on gender related abilities in
math which are related to adolescence. In Gender Roles in Marriage:
What do They Mean for Girls' and Boys' School Achievement, by
Kimberly A. Updegraff, Susan M. McHale and Ann C. Crouter (1996),
the researchers evaluate differences in family dynamics to determine what
implications these might have for gender related math ability. This article
was very interesting, although the research question was biting off more
than it could chew. What this article finds is that girls from families who
have a more egalitarian family structure are less likely to suffer a decline in
math ability at adolescence. This article also suggests that it is not the girls
"hard wiring" which causes math ability differences. I interpret this article
as implying that the root of the problem could be in gender role stereo
types. In Single Sex Math Classes: What and For Whom? One School's
Experiences, Richard Durost (1996) reports that when administrators
talked to many of the girls in his school, the girls stated that they felt
mentally intimidated by the boys. Teachers noted that boys asked
questions, talked and competed, while girls tended to reflect, listen, and
cooperate. In an attempt to deal with gender related performance issues,
Mr. Durost's school implemented a all female section Algebra I. The
females who participated in the pilot program did show an increase in
their math scores. This paper suggests that the differences in math ability
are not "hard wired". That it may not be a difference in a girl's ability to
"do" math or learn math, but perhaps a difficulty in a girls ability to interact
in a co-educational math related settings which determines her math
success. In other words, there might not be a math problem in and of
itself but perhaps math differences were one manifestation of differences
in inter-gender communication and interaction styles. In Gender Based
Education: Why it Works at the Middle School Level, William C, Perry
(1996), the principal of a middle school cites studies from the American
Association of University Women (1991, 1992), supporting the theory
that gender related math ability differences don't become manifest until
middle school. Mr. Perry was very concerned about reports he had read
or heard presented showing that there is bias against girls in the
classrooms. In response to the researchers concerns, a study was done in
which participating students were assigned to same sex classes. The study
reports increased grade point averages for both boys and girls
participating in the study. I would have liked to see the standardized test
scores for both groups of students. While grades are one indicator of
performance, it seems that if there is bias in teaching styles, there could be
bias in grading. Standardized scores could give a better vantage point for
analyzing actual differences in math comprehension. This study ties in with
the following two studies which point to an institutionalized problem In G.
Leder's research, Teacher Student Interactions in the Mathematics
Classroom: A Different Perspective, the researcher video tapes classes to
determine types and frequency of interactions with students. this was
correlated with test scores, perception reports from teachers as well as
self reports of math perceived math ability of the students. In this study,
males and females were relatively equal in ability n the lower grade levels,
but males tended to do better in the 10th grade level. This becomes very
intriguing when it is noted that self report and teacher reports of perceived
ability consistently rated the males higher. The qualitative aspects of this
study examined content and frequency of teacher comments. There was
no significant difference between males and females. In J. Becker's
research, Differential Treatment of Females and Males in Mathematics
Classes, the researcher observed 10 classrooms for a total of 10 days.
She collected both qualitative and quantitative data. The author concludes
that there is very clearly differences in the interactions between teachers
and students depending on the students gender. These differences
consistently favor the males. This study also reveals that both the
classrooms and teachers themselves reinforce gender stereotypes
portraying math as a male realm. this researcher asserts that the failure of
females to excel in math is attributable to self fulfilling prophecy: girls are
not expected by themselves or their teachers to do well, therefore,
ultimately, they do not. My last two articles examine gender differences at
the university level. The first of these two does not examine math ability,
but rather attention to numerical information in gender related contexts.
The Numbers Game: Gender and Attention to Numerical Information, by
Jackson, Fleury, Girvin and Gerard (1995), compared men's and
women's abilities to recall numerical information when it was presented in
a gender related context. Not surprisingly, men were better at recalling
data in male settings than women were. However, of the three context
categories (male, female, neutral) both men and women did best in the
neutral categories and worst in the female categories. The author suggests
that this could reflect the tendency of the culture to view female related
activities as less important than male or gender-neutral activities. The final
article I reviewed was Gender and Mathematics Achievement Parity:
Evidence from Post-Secondary Education, by Amin M. Kianian (1995).
This study seemed flawed in several ways. The study examines the grades
of all of the students from one teacher's university level math classes over
a period of three years and then compares them for gender differences.
His findings are that there are no significant differences between men's
and women's math grades at the university level. I believe this study could
be better than it is, because it does not show whether or not the men and
women actually had a demonstratedly equal math ability. Grades could be
very subjective. Accepted at face value, however, it could be suggested
that this might imply that the gender related issues so prominent in the
eyes of some researchers when examining the adolescent population,
have disappeared by the time students go to college. I realize that this
would be stretching the relevance of the study to go this far, but there are
implications along these lines. Overall, after reviewing the articles which
were summarized, I find myself drawn to the information showing that the
gender differences in math ability seem to be predominantly manifest
during adolescence. As many of the studies suggest, this is likely to be
associated with interpersonal and self esteem issues. Many issues come to
mind for further research. 1.) Self esteem in adolescent girls and the
correlation with math ability. 2.) Does participation in sports affect gender
related math learning? 3.) What are the implications of single sex
classrooms for later learning? Are single sex class rooms creating a false
environment, thus setting females up for "gender shock" later in life or
education? 4.) What are the implications of female math teachers in the
classrooms for gender related differences in math abilities. 5.) A cohort
study of x population tracking them over and extended period of time to
see at what points math ability, self esteem, and other related variables
fluctuate. Some of these topics would be very suitable for immediate
research. Others, would be best left to highly funded groups or
government agencies. For my further research, I would like to explore the
relationship between assertiveness in adolescent girls and its relationship
to their math success. More specifically, I would like to devise a study
that examines whether or not assertiveness training in adolescent girls
would impact their math success. References American Association of
University Women. (1991). Shortchanging Girls, Shortchanging America.
American Association of University Women: Washington, DC American
Association of University Women. (1992). How Schools Shortchange
Girls. American Association of University Women: Washington, DC
Becker, J. (1981). differential treatment of females and males in
mathematics classes. Journal for Research in Mathematics Education. 12,
40-53. Durost, R. (1996). Single sex math classes: What and for whom?
One school's experiences. Bulletin, 80, 27-31. Jackson, L., Fleury, R.,
Girvin, J., & Gerard. D. (1995). The numbers game: Gender and
attention to numerical information. Sex Roles: A Journal of Research. 33,
559-569. Kianian, A. (1995). Gender and mathematics achievement
parity: Evidence from post-secondary education. Education, 116,
586-592. Leder, G. (1990). Teacher/student interactions in the
mathematics classroom: A different perspective. From Fenema, E. &
Leder, G. (Eds.). Mathematics and Gender: Influences on Teachers and
Students. New York, Teachers College. Orbinson, N., Abbott, R.,
Berninger, V., & Busse, J. (1996). The structure of abilities in math
precocious young children: Gender similarities and differences. Journal of
Educational Psychology, 88, 341-352. Perry, W. (1996). Gender based
education: Why it works at the middle school level. Bulletin, 80, 32-35.
Sadker, M & Sadker, D. (1994). Failing at Fairness: How Our Schools
Cheat Girls. New York: Touchstone. Updergraff, K., McHale, S., &
Crouter, A. (1996). Gender roles in marriage: What do they mean for
boys' and girls' school achievement?. Journal of Youth and Adolescence,
25, 73-89.



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